On Saturday, February 14 2019, several online news media carried reports of the sealing of property and business interests connected to the former Abia state governor and senator representing Abia North in the National Assembly by the operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission- EFCC. Orji Kalu, a flamboyant politician and member of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) was on December 5 this year sentenced to a 12 year jail term by Justice Muhammed Idris of the Federal High Court in Ikoyi area of Lagos. Kalu was sentenced alongside a former director of finance in the Abia State Government House- Udeh Udeogu on 39 count charges bordering on egregious fraud, betrayal of public trust and wilful diversion of public resources for private gains.
Weeping and gnashing of teeth from the prison yard
Over the past few weeks, various news reports have credited Kalu with expressions of regrets and feelings betrayal, purportedly telling his audience that he regretted joining APC, rabidly supporting the president and some of his unpopular agenda. Kalu, according to credible media reports is unhappy that his membership of the ruling party could not spare him the wrath of Justice Idris’ judicial rod.
Curiously, there has not been a single report indicating that Kalu feels remorseful for betraying the Abia public, for stealing the state’s resources and refusing to live up to the demands of leadership expected of a man who became governor at a very young age. It is a pity that Kalu is yet to understand that it was his greed, lack of foresight and pettiness that motivated the actions for which he is now paying greatly. Perhaps one day, it would become clear to him that if he had ran the affairs of Abia honestly, he would not have needed any political brinkmanship to walk the streets freely.
Kalu’s wishlist
On decamping to the APC a few years ago, Kalu was told by the then APC national chairman John Oyegun that he would be the leader of the party in the south east region. Oyegun intimated Kalu that he would be the chief salesman of the party in Igboland where the ruling APC has very low support base.
Kalu, a smart politician by most accounts, must have extracted some assurances from the leadership of the ruling party at the time concerning his long-running corruption trial (which began in July 2007), the protection of his business interests (spanning through oil and gas, publishing, construction, furniture and general merchandise) and most importantly- his political interest. Kalu had long desired to represent Abia North in the senate and earning the ruling party’s ticket must have been part of the key discussions in the weeks before he made his decampment public.
Beyond the Abia North senatorial seat, it had been Kalu’s earnest desire to retake control of Abia politics snatched from his grip by a long time protégé and understudy- Theodore Orji. Kalu wanted to install a governor who would be loyal to him after his bitter experience with his former chief of staff, he wanted to have a say in who represent the state in Abuja as parliamentarians or ministers or even heads of government agencies.
Kalu had his eyes on bigger matters
Beyond just Abia state, Kalu also had territorial ambition. Many who had followed politics for long would recall that in 2007, Kalu’s candidates emerged governors in Imo and Abia states. Things would however fall apart in under two years as both governors quickly abandoned Kalu’s Progressives Peoples Alliance- PPA- and decamped to the ruling party at the time- the PDP. Watching his empire crumble must have been a tough one for the strong-willed Kalu but APC gave him a lifeline. Beyond Abia and Imo states, he also had a chance to bring Enugu, Ebonyi and Anambra States under his control.
There are little doubts that Kalu must have gotten full assurances that he would be the lynchpin of the APC in the south east region during the days of negotiations. He also must have been convinced that he would have a say in who becomes the APC governorship flag-bearer in all the 5 states of the region and perhaps, who goes to the senate and house of representatives. Kalu covets power like all politicians and in APC, it must have been offered him on a platter considering the party’s desperation for Igbo votes in 2019.
For clarity, OUK as he is fondly called is not political lightweight. Kalu had the billions to literally move mountains; he was a former governor with millions of active followers in the region and most significantly, a publishing company that sells the most daily and weekend newspapers across the five states in the south east. Without a shadow of doubt, Kalu was a political asset any party or group could have coveted.
The APC leadership must have congratulated itself when the former governor elected to join their fold. It was a case of one more big fish quitting the PDP to “join the moving train.” Kalu must have been emboldened that “nothing would happen,” after holding several audiences with Muhammadu Buhari, the country’s ruler in Aso Rock and in his Daura residence. Kalu would go on to present himself for traditional turbaning in Daura, Buhari’s hometown at a ceremony attended by a multitude of local and cross regional admirers.
In January this year, Buhari was in Umuahia to interface with voters as part of his second term presidential campaign. Standing next to the man who promised to “fight corruption to a standstill” was Orji Uzor Kalu. Cameras captured both men laughing and smiling, sharing jokes and giving the audience an impression that all was well. By March, Kalu won his senatorial election at the third try and Buhari garnered more votes from Abia than he ever did since 2003. A new partnership had begun, or so we thought.
Tragedy follows triumph
When principal officers of the 9th senate were elected in June this year, Kalu emerged as the chief whip- a great feat for a first time legislator. Kalu was one of the most vocal senators, expressing support for the APC federal government and openly announcing his readiness to vote in support of the infamous RUGA policy if it is brought for a vote on the floor of the senate.
It therefore came to many as a great shock when the news broke earlier in December that Kalu would spend a dozen years outside the comfort of his luxury homes in Abuja, Lagos, Igbere and several other parts of Nigeria and overseas. Rather than enjoy the majesty of his 400 room camp Neya estate in his native Igbere this Christmas, Kalu would be under the watch of prison officials in Ikoyi, relying on the compassion and kindness of warders to retain his sanity.
Yes, it is true that Kalu would not be treated like a common criminal, of course he is an uncommon one, the reality however is that he would suffer more than a few inconveniences and would spend years away from the spotlight. There can be no greater tragedy for a man who loves to hear the sound of his own voice over the electronic media; can Kalu survive what promises to be a long, cold night?
Theodore Orji, Rochas Okorocha, Ikedi Ohakim and others could also be going to prison
Kalu may be the only ex-governor from the south east region in prison at the moment but on the strength of the evidence before the officials of the EFCC, a few more associates, peers and friends of the founder of the now liquidated Slok Holdings will likely have their days in courts soon.
In November 2018, the EFCC announced that it had taken former Abia governor- Orji Kalu’s immediate successor- Theodore Orji- into custody to answer questions bordering on the disappearance of N27 billion belonging to the state government during his time as governor. Pressure is already mounting on the anti-corruption agency to re-open Orji’s book and charge him to court so he can tell the judge what he knows concerning the grand looting that has characterised governance in Abia in the last 20 years. Many commentators have also alerted the EFCC that Orji as chief of staff for eight years could not have been ignorant of the goings-on in the Kalu regime- including the thievery that eventually sent Kalu to prison.
In September this year, it was reported that EFCC had obtained a court order to take possession of property and assets linked to former Imo governor Rochas Okorocha, his wife and daughter. The property- residential buildings, shopping malls and schools- are all located within the choicest areas in Owerri, the Imo state capital.
Also in August this year, the former Imo governor was accused by his successor- Emeka Ihedioha- of looting N1 trillion from the Imo state treasury during his eight year reign. This is something the EFCC may be looking into and there can be no telling who else would be interested. The Imo public whose wealth were looted in pursuit of some egomaniacal satisfaction would surely be excited to see Okorocha in the dock.
Chimaroke Nnamani, the senator representing Enugu East in the senate is another person who may be losing some sleep since the day Kalu received his jail sentence. For Chimaroke whose N5.3 billion corruption case was struck out by EFCC in February 2018, all is far from being well. The EFCC at the time announced that it would be filing fresh charges in the light of new evidence against the former Enugu governor and his aide- Sunday Anyaogu. While it is true that nothing has been heard of the case in the last year, one should not be surprised to see Nnamani in the dock any time soon.
Sulivan Chime, Nnamani’s successor, Achike Udenwa and Ikedi Ohakim all have pending cases with the EFCC. Can they wriggle themselves out or will they be joining Kalu in dingy cells? How about Theodore Orji and Rochas Okorocha? How long will they keep making laws for the people even as horrendous allegations of corruption hang on their necks?
The wheel of justice grinds slowly but surely
If there are any lessons to be picked from Uzor Kalu’s current ordeal- his long prison sentence and loss of business fortunes- it is the fact that no one is truly above the law. If Kalu with all his wealth, influence and political connections amongst the ruling oligarchs can go to prison and still lose his company and wealth, there can simply be no guarantees that others who like him violated public trust would be shielded from the due comeuppance for their indiscretion.
